The Taliban’s Return to Power in Afghanistan and Central Asian
Countries’ Multi-ed Strategies for Diplomatic Security
Kim Jeong-ki, Hanyang University Asia-Pacific Research Center
Central Asian countries are gravely concerned about the negative
effect of the terrorist attacks in Afghanistan after the Taliban’s
return to power. This undiminished sense of insecurity stems from
ongoing internal purges in the form of executions and imprisonment in
Afghanistan and from the growing possibility of Islamic extremists’
infiltration of Central Asia. The Taliban have stated that they will
form an “open Islamic government” that encompasses all forces and
groups, and emphasized that they have no intention to endanger their
Central Asian neighbors. They are also contacting political forces
inside and outside Afghanistan and trying to earn the support of the
international community. However, it is not yet clear how the Taliban
will deal with Al Qaeda, the Islamic State, and other terrorist groups
in Afghanistan, and it may be said that diverse threats still exist
there.
In this regard, countries in Central Asia are concentrating their
efforts on blocking the spread of security concerns from the rapid
worsening of Afghanistan’s situation. The five countries in the region
are strengthening their political and economic solidarity and striving
to eliminate present and future security threats through partnerships
with global powers and regional organizations for cooperation and
consultation. It remains to be seen how these efforts will turn out
under the given circumstances, but they seem to have achieved
considerable preventive effects.
First, the summit leaders of the five countries are forging internal
unity among themselves. In early August of this year, the leaders met
at their third consultative meeting at a resort in Awaza,
Turkmenistan, shortly before the Taliban’s takeover of the Afghan
capital of Kabul. They discussed the potential aftermath of the
Taliban’s return and socioeconomic preconditions for sustainable peace
in Afghanistan in the coming days, and shared their views that the
five Central Asian countries should join forces to establish a
regional cooperative order. During their first summit in 2018, the
presidents of the five countries stressed that they could ease
security threats from Afghanistan by taking a broad perspective and
expanding economic relations and trade with Afghanistan. In a
nutshell, the Central Asian countries seem determined to cooperate to
ease security threats as a united force.
Second, the Central Asian countries are strengthening security
cooperation with the US in relation to Afghanistan’s situation. In
mid-July, delegations from the US and the five Central Asian countries
met at the high-level C5+1 conference on “Central and South Asia:
Regional Connectivity, Challenges and Opportunities,” held in
Tashkent, Uzbekistan, where they discussed bolstering stability and
peace in Afghanistan as well as regional security and stability. They
reaffirmed that no forces occupying Afghan territory should be allowed
to threaten or attack the C5+1 member states, and agreed to expedite
cooperation with Afghanistan across security, energy, economy, trade,
culture, and other fields. The C5+1 high-level dialogue held in June
last year involved discussions focused on deterring the overflow of
anxiety about political instability in Afghanistan, revealing that the
US was committed to providing cooperation and support for easing
Afghanistan-related security threats and political jitters in Central
Asia.
Third, the Central Asian countries are stepping up security
cooperation with Russia, discussing spillover from the Afghan
situation. They are conducting joint military exercises with Russia on
their borders with Afghanistan and seek security cooperation in terms
of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO). On July 7,
Russia expressed its will to not allow attacks on CSTO member states
through a statement by Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov, and in the
first half of August, it conducted six-day joint military drills with
Uzbekistan and Tajikistan near the Afghan border. Russia, on its part,
is anxious that Afghanistan’s situation may disrupt order in Central
Asia and that the terrorist infiltration of the region may infringe
upon Russian territory. President Vladimir Putin recently emphasized
that the country should make its best efforts to block terrorism, the
trafficking of narcotics, and religious extremism from Afghanistan.
Putin also expressed disapproval of Central Asian countries’
accommodation of Afghan refugees, citing concerns about terrorists
entering the countries under guise of seeking refuge.
Fourth, the Central Asian countries have been seeking
Afghanistan-related security cooperation with the regional
multilateral Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), discussing the
subject at the meeting of the SCO foreign ministers, held in the Tajik
capital of Dushanbe on July 13, the meeting of the SCO-Afghanistan
Contact Group on July 14, and the SCO Summit on September 17. During
those meetings, a consensus was formed that serious concerns had
arisen over terrorist activity in Afghanistan and that peace and
stability in the country were imperative for the regional security of
the SCO bloc. Participating in the summit via videoconferencing,
Chinese President Xi Jinping proposed joint efforts to deal with
terrorism and called for the strengthening of cooperation to block
religious extremism, including the East Turkestan Islamic Movement
(ETIM), and to enhance counter-narcotics operations and border
control. Beijing is worried about the possibility of the Taliban
supporting the terror attacks in China mounted by the ETIM, whose goal
is to establish an independent state replacing Xinjiang.
As observed so far, countries in Central Asia aim to build a regional
cooperation framework, coordinating directions for dealing with
imminent security issues through regular summit meetings.
Simultaneously, they are pursuing diplomatic strategies to ease
security threats by forming friendly and cooperative relations with
world powers to mutually hold each other in check. In other words, the
five Central Asian countries are conducting multi-ed diplomatic
and security strategies that combine the principles of self-help in
respective ways, assembling and disassembling the strategies in
pursuit of their respective national interests and using the
strategies to maintain their mutual effectiveness.
Particularly noteworthy is the prospect that in the near future, the
Central Asian countries are highly likely to enhance their defense
capabilities. Generally, they are seriously vulnerable in terms of
combat power and military capabilities. Faced with extremism, terror,
and drug trafficking, and having witnessed the war between Azerbaijan
and Armenia, they should realize the importance of unmanned aerial
vehicles and other modernized systems and weapons. It seems that they
will positively build up their military capabilities by seeking the
introduction of defense equipment and support, while pursuing military
cooperation with Russia, Turkey, China, and Israel.
Unlike in the past, the Central Asian countries are currently trying
to solve the issues of conflicting interests in their region with a
sense of mutual cooperation. The US is again reinforcing its strategic
movement in Central Asia, and China and Russia are accelerating access
to the region after the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan. The US-China
hegemony competition will have flow-on effects for Central Asia, and
the New Great Game involving the US, China, and Russia will intensify
in the strategic sphere of Eurasia. All these developments need to be
watched closely.